Sheriff Cabinet Ministers was busy at his desk, sorting through citizens submissions, when Deputy “Greenie” Shaw bursts into the room. “Sheriff, it’s the Climate Breakdown Gang again. They’re back and causing trouble. If we don’t do something, somebody’s going to get hurt!”

Sheriff Ministers knew what had to be done. It was all laid out clear in the Zero Carbon Act. He rose from his chair and reached for his trusty sidearm, hanging on the peg by the door. Those troublesome Emissions Boys would be no match for the Revamped ETS, its shiny emissions-killing metal gleaming from the holster. He strapped on the weapon and reached for the door.

But then he thought, “Wait. What about inflation? What about the election? What about my corporate buddies at the Parliament Saloon? Nobody understands the ETS anyway. What the hell.”

The sheriff turned back and sat back down at his desk and went back to the submissions.

Greenie, wide-eyed and exasperated, piped up, “But sheriff, we’ve got to do something! Mayor Adern has promised the townspeople that we’d be net zero of those emissions by 2050!”

“That’s another 27 years away, Greenie“, grumbled the sheriff. “Plenty of time to deal with those emissions. Now go away, I’ve got paperwork to do.”

“But, what will we tell the townspeople? They are expecting us to get out and fight those Emissions Boys with the ETS!”

“I’ll just hit them with another request for submissions. That’ll shut them up!”

The evil Climate Breakdown gang out to raise havoc

What? Wait a minute! That isn’t how the story is supposed to go! The sheriff is supposed to go out into the streets and fight the bad guys, not hide in his office doing paperwork!

But faced with the choice of either strengthening the ETS, (i.e., NZ Emissions Trading Scheme) by letting emissions prices rise, as the Climate Commission has recommended, or holding emissions prices down for another year, our cabinet ministers blinked and voted in December to keep the prices low. So, we are in for yet another blowout of the cost containment reserve, releasing more emissions credits into the market than planned, making it incrementally harder to reach our ‘net zero by 2050’ emissions goal. So much for using the ETS to cap our emissions.

This little episode, the latest in a long list of disappointing episodes involving the NZ ETS, points up its fundamental weakness – it is a beast that is easily defanged.

Which is perhaps why The New Zealand Initiative, a conservative think tank advising the National Party, likes it so much. They argue that government incentives and regulations to control emissions, such as banning the import of petrol engines by 2035, as recommended by the Climate Commission, are not needed because the ETS is all that is needed to do the job.

But, we all remember what happened to the ETS under the last National government. The emissions price went from $21 per tonne CO2 in 2011 to just $2 per tonne by 2013, recovering to $19 per tonne by 2017, when Labour returned to power. In essence, the last National government was quite successful in defanging the ETS, stopping nearly all progress in reducing New Zealand’s emissions along the way. Good for business but bad for the planet.

So, considering this latest example of how easily the ETS can be softened, and even by a government that has declared a climate emergency, it is clear that we should NOT put all our climate mitigation “eggs” into one basket, like the ETS.

Government incentives and regulations, on the other hand, are harder to “defang” because, once handed down, industry starts to take action. The government ban on coal-fired boilers after 2037, for example, would be difficult to change because industry has already started to invest in the change to other fuels. A new government relaxing the 2037 ban would be met with howls of anger from industry, asking why they want everyone to change horses in mid-stream. Businesses do better in a stable regulatory environment, so regulations made well in advance give them time to plan and make the necessary changes with minimal disruption.

So, don’t despair, Deputy Shaw. There are other guns we can use to fight off the Climate Breakdown Gang. Sheriff Ministers just needs to be pushed into having the courage to use them.

TO BE CONTINUED…

by Tom Powell – Climate Karanga Marlborough

The post High Noon in Aotearoa, Part 1 appeared first on Coal Action Network Aotearoa.

Elections are a defining feature of a democracy. They remind us of our ability to participate…to have a voice…to shape the world. Yet too often elections are degraded into post-puberty popularity contests. The last American election is a case in point, and the unfair way Metiria Turei was driven to resign is another.

Issues have become tools to polarize, intimidate or bribe the public, and the most pressing issue to consider when casting your vote in this election is Climate Change. None of the political parties of Aotearoa are harbouring acknowledged climate deniers as the Republicans did in 2016; the closest we get is the Conservative Party who “believe that there has always been, and always will be Climate Change, the real debate should be ‘Are we polluting our environment?’ and most of us would agree that we are.”

Without outright denying Climate Change exists, some New Zealand political parties demonstrate a rudimentary understanding of the urgency needed to stave off further warming of the planet.

The National Party policy on Climate Change isn’t even listed on the policy page of their website, demonstrating its utter lack of importance in their planning. They have policies to be predator free by 2050, implement tougher rules for freedom campers, increase fees to foreign visitors who want to experience New Zealand’s Great Walks and increase the amount of funding available to the Department of Conservation Community Fund, but nothing on Climate.

If you delve deeper into National policy and go the the Bluegreens webpage, you can click on Bluegreens Progress and find a statement on climate change. But the Bluegreens are a subset of the National Party—invented obviously to appease the consciences of all the true blue voters who recognize the amazing gift we have in living in God’s Own. The statement itself focuses on rewarding themselves for signing the Paris Agreement so quickly and explaining how difficult it will be for New Zealand to do anything because of our ‘unique circumstances’. They state that they are committed to seeing New Zealand transition to a low emissions economy, and that commitment requires balance. I wonder if that’s the kind of coaching advice Steve Hansen gives the All Blacks: Commit, but be balanced.

As well as expressing an increased interest in public transportation, electric cars, and increasing the amount of electricity that comes from renewable energy a further 10%, National’s plan claims it will reduce emissions by 30% below 2005 levels by 2030, phase out the ETS one-for-two subsidy by 1 January 2019, review and strengthen the Emissions Trading Scheme to ensure it is fit for purpose and is encouraging reductions and tree planting and invest $20 million a year into research on agricultural emissions reduction.

New Zealand First does not have a specific climate change policy either, but it does identify climate change as an issue under its environment policy. Their first step would be to exit the Emissions Trading Scheme and replace it with a UK/Norwegian style Climate Change Act. They would also establish a new Parliamentary Commission for Climate Change (PCCC) as an Office of Parliament and make it legally responsible for reporting against both the Kyoto and Paris Agreements, setting three-yearly ‘Carbon Budgets’ designed to reach these commitments. Provisions would be made for the PCCC to provide independent advice to central and local government on meeting the Carbon Budget and preparing for climate change. There’s no mention of prevention.

Interestingly enough, they would also provide financial support for the development of water harvesting schemes; take account of the views of key stakeholders when making environmental policy; support the extractive industries while ensuring core conservation values are maintained; and support an evidence-based approach to environmental issues.

The Māori Party want to ensure that hapū and iwi, as kaitiaki and tangata whenua, have a significant role to play in decisions that affect the environment. Both their economic and environmental policies are classed as Kāwanatanga—government, dominion, rule, authority. Their climate change policy is listed as solutions and is nested within their environmental policy.

They will prioritise solutions that address the effects of Climate Change working across the political spectrum , enact emissions targets into law and support the setting of carbon budget that would act as stepping stones towards the targets, support the establishment of an independent Climate Commission to advise on setting carbon budgets and to report on meeting those budgets, forestry and electric cars.

They have a determined approach to advance the use of renewable energy, stating that they would close all coal fired power plants by 2025. They also want to ensure Mana Whenua are consulted on all oil and mineral exploration permits.

Newcomer, The Opportunites Party (TOP) considers Climate Change a priority and uses bold language to plot a way forward. Their policy, Climate Change Action, states that New Zealand must wean itself off fossil fuels, which they see as an exciting challenge, an opportunity to improve overall prosperity.

Junk credits held by the government would be dumped, and the ETS would stay closed to international trade. Revenue from a higher carbon price would help households and businesses become more energy efficient. New investment of significance would help create a low carbon future.

“TOP aims to take the most efficient and effective path to a low carbon economy. There is no time for delay, nor for a sentimental focus on any particular technology.” Their policy statements have been explained in a series of one minute videos. Climate Policy in a Minute is worth a watch.

Labour’s policy has a key weakness: it doesn’t rule out new coal mines or oil and gas drilling.  But they admirably seek to lead the nation with the understanding that Climate Change is the greatest challenge facing the world.

Their comprehensive Climate Change Manifesto addresses the need to take a cross-party approach; ensure a just transition to a low-carbon economy; establish carbon budgets, emission reduction targets and an independent Carbon Commission; restore the ETS so that it does what it was intended to do – put a price on carbon that drives behaviour towards low or zero-carbon options; complement the ETS with further measures; acknowledge the importance of including agriculture in the ETS and promote forestry; promote research and development; honour international obligations; and adapt to the changes that are already occurring.

Climate Change has been a significant component of Green Party policy for years. The Greens consider their Climate Protection Plan to be an economic policy. All of their environmental policies are intended to tackle climate change while also protecting the environment, but by listing their climate change policy as an economic policy its importance is elevated.

Financial security, prosperity, jobs and investment drive much of human behaviour and is a key motivator for shaping their political views. Since all the economic structures we currently have in place will become unstable and irretrievably altered should full blown Climate Change occur, defining Climate Protection as an economic policy is both pragmatic and astute.

“We’re the first generation that will feel the effects of climate change, and the last that can stop it. We have a responsibility to act.” That is a statement of political conviction.

Briefly, The Green Party will pass a Zero Carbon Act; establish an independent Climate Commission and a Kiwi Climate Fund; promote forestry, renewable electricity and electric rail; kick-start private investment with a Green Infrastructure Fund; divest public investment funds; and commit to no new coal mines, fracking or deep-sea oil and gas drilling.

Green Party Co-leader James Shaw has released a Member’s Bill to require all Government legislation to have a Climate Impact Disclosure Statement to outline the likely impact of the legislation on the climate.  This bill would ensure every new piece of legislation acknowledges the reality and costs of climate change, so parliament will be thinking about our climate all of the time.

And Climate Action—Yes, we can is a plan identifying how New Zealand can reduce emissions by a respectable 40 percent.

The policy statements of The Greens and The Opportunities Party communicate the enormous opportunity that lies before us, an opportunity to take action and direct the future and our circumstances rather than fall victim to the unrestrained whims of nature. Labour clearly identifies the importance of acknowledging and addressing Climate Change, but their language is more restrained, more cautious. As the contender in this fight for the right to govern The Land of the Long White Cloud, perhaps they feel they have more to lose.

United Future don’t even have a policy for the environment, let alone Climate – although new leader Damian Light does appear more tuned in. ACT has a policy on Conservation and the Environment, but there is no mention of Climate. Neither does the Mana Party mention Climate, but they would ban fracking and deep-sea oil drilling—no mention of coal. The Democrats for Social Credit would replace the Emissions Trading Scheme with measures to reduce pollution and introduce financial assistance to help industry meet the new emissions standards”, but they don’t mention Climate Change.

If Climate Change is not put into check, we all lose. Let’s use our vote wisely. Have conversations with the people you share your life with. See if you can get them to do the same.

The post Using the Election to Fight Climate Change appeared first on Coal Action Network Aotearoa.

First, Wellington’s Dominion Post newspaper said in an editorial that it was time for New Zealand to slash its coal use. Then, the same day, Genesis Energy announced that it would close the coal-fired power generators at the Huntly power plant by 2018.

No more coal at Huntly … who’ll be next to abandon coal?

But the writing was appearing on the wall even before these announcements. Not only had the thermal coal price dropped precipitately in response to the rise of renewable energy and environmental concerns in coal’s major markets, but there is a growing political consensus that thermal coal mining in New Zealand must stop.

This consensus does not yet include the National Government. While Energy and Resources Minister Simon Bridges welcomed Genesis Energy’s Huntly decision, and noted that it created further opportunity for renewable energy, he conveniently ignored the Government’s continuing subsiding of fossil fuel mining and use and lack of support for renewables.

The Green Party has long opposed coal mining, and now Labour and New Zealand First are, at least partially, moving in the same direction. In response to the Government’s statement that state-owned coal mining company Solid Energy might be facing liquidation, Labour Party leader Andrew Little – himself a former head of the coal miners’ union, the EPMU – drew a distinction between using coal for heating and power generation, which he agreed was on the way out (audio at 1:41), and using coking coal for making steel, which he said was “part of a green economy.”

New Zealand First’s Richard Prosser was similarly bullish on Solid Energy’s future, but both in his reported comments and in separate discussions with Coal Action Network Aotearoa, NZ First has drawn a distinction between coking coal and thermal coal. New Zealand First’s 2014 election policy calls for a progressive phaseout of coal:

The most effective way to reduce the build-up of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere (primarily carbon dioxide and methane) is to progressively phase out the burning of fossil fuels, especially coal, and instead use renewable energy eg wind-power, photo-voltaic electricity from sunshine, wood fuels, etc. (Climate Change section of NZ First Environment and Conservation policy)

When we met with New Zealand First, they advocated a similar position to the Labour Party: that is, they expressed continued support for coking coal, but agreed that it was time to move away from the mining and burning of thermal coal.

But while businesses and political parties are moving to end the use of thermal coal, there is one large New Zealand company which is bucking the trend – and that, of course, is Fonterra which, as we reported last month, has increased its coal use 38% since 2008 and plans a further major expansion of coal-fired milk drying plants. Fonterra’s low-value-add, high-energy-input business plan is coming unstuck as global milk prices fall. It’s time for Fonterra to take another path.

Though the political consensus is growing against thermal coal, Labour and New Zealand First are both continuing to back the mining of coking coal – that is, coal used for steel production – even though the coking coal price has also slumped, and burning coking coal is no better for the climate than burning thermal coal. You can read Cindy Baxter’s take on the shaky state of coking coal in her recent analysis of the state of play in the coal industry.

The message to companies such as Fonterra is clear: by backing the increased use of thermal coal, you are on the wrong side of history, the wrong side of science, and the wrong side of a growing political consensus.

The post Political Consensus Grows Around The End Of Thermal Coal appeared first on Coal Action Network Aotearoa.

Coal Action Network spokesperson Tim Jones says the group is pleased the Labour Party has decided to oppose plans to mine Southland lignite. In its newly-released environment policy, Labour says it will, if elected to Government, not allow Solid Energy to mine for lignite in Southland or convert lignite to liquid fuels.

“We view Labour’s policy as a major step in the right direction,” says Tim Jones. “Labour has clearly taken on board the message that mining up to six billion tonnes of lignite that lies beneath prime Southland farmland will lead to many billion tonnes of greenhouse gas emissions and also devastate the land, rivers, and air of Southland.”

Labour joins the Green Party and the Mana Party in announcing policy opposed to the expansion of coal mining in general and lignite mining in particular.

“Unlike the National Government, Labour, the Greens and Mana understands that New Zealand’s international commitments to reduce greenhouse gas emissions would be completely undermined by a future in which we make our economy more, not less, dependent on fossil fuels,” Tim Jones continued.

But the Coal Action Network Aotearoa is sounding a note of caution about Labour’s policy. “Although stopping Solid Energy in its tracks would be a major achievement, private companies, such as L&M Mining, are also sniffing around the Southland lignite reserves. If these companies simply step in and take Solid Energy’s place, neither the climate nor the Southland environment will be any better off.”

“That’s why we are calling for a total ban on new coal mining, including lignite mining in Southland, as the first step towards phasing out the use of coal altogether,” Tim Jones concluded.

ENDS

Contact
Tim Jones, Coal Action Network Aotearoa Spokesperson
027 359 0293

The post Labour lignite policy a big step in the right direction appeared first on Coal Action Network Aotearoa.